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                    Chapter 4.  From Babylon to Copernicus

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        1.  Among the most famous of past astrologers have been the Babylonians.  The religion and science of the ancient Babylonians, especially of their soothsayers, worshippers of Bel (Marduk), were bound to the stars.  There was much concern with the foretelling of human destiny.  The notion  of a connection between astral bodies and human destinies appears to have been part of a central concept that the cosmos contains nothing fundamentally dead or inimical.  The observations made by Babylonian astronomer-priests reflect a longing to establish precisely the interdependence between stars and  earth and man.  S.  Giedion says:  "In an often retold dream of that great figure of  the early period, Gudea of Lugash, the goddess Nisibis appeared to him not only as the goddess of intelligence, wisdom, mathematics, and writing; she also 'bore the tablet of the good star' -- in other words, she was simultaneously goddess of astrology."  (S. Giedion, The Beginnings of Architecture, 1964, p. 9, 19, 138-139.)

         2.  Édouard Dhorme says of the early Mesopotamians:  "For the Sumerians and Akkadians, the sky was, in effect, a great map on which their destiny was inscribed.  Men called the constellations 'the writing of heaven' or 'the writing of the firmament'."  The experience of the night side of life, and the feeling of being utterly at the mercy of destiny, permeated Mesopotamian existence.  Later, the Greeks took over the idea of destiny, without being led into the deep pessimism already revealed in the depressing adventures of Gilgamesh, around 2600 B.C.  This interest in destiny was closely linked with a desire to fathom in advance the will of the gods.  The stars were identical with the deities.  They influenced all happenings and were thus guides to man's fate.  Everything depended on whether the initiate was able to read the decisions of the gods from the movements of the stars.  It has not been clearly proven just when this sort of belief in the stars arose.  But it must be closely linked with an anthropomorphization of the universe, and thus it must have found its form shortly before or at the beginnng of historical times....."   (Êdouard Dhorme, Les Religions de Babylonie et d'Assyrie, 2nd edition, 1949, p. 282, p. 138-140.)

         3.  The Mesopotamians built awe-inspiring structures called ziggurats, towers composed of series of terraces joined by steps, with temples on top, probably containing places for making sacrifices.  "Both ziggurat and pyramid derive their existence," says Giedion, "from man's awakened urge toward the vertical as a symbol of contact with the deity, contact with the sky...  The notion of a ladder between heaven and earth was marvelously portrayed."  (l.c., p. 219, 225.)  The tower of Babel in the Bible is probably the great ziggurat at Babylon.  The word "Babel" means "gate of the God" in Akkadian.  There is a similar-sounding word in Hebrew which means "confusion."  Perhaps there is a pun in the Biblical story of the tower of Babel concerning the confusion of tongues.

         4.  Relatively late in their history, certain Babylonians were also pioneers in mathematical astronomy.  However, they made accurate celestial observations for a long time before they developed their mathematical astronomy.  Simplicius, for example, in his commentary on Aristotle's De caelo (6th century A.D.) speaks of a sequence of observations sent by Callisthenes to Aristotle (4th century B.C.) which had extended over 1903 years.  (Referred to by Marguerite Rutten in La Science des Chaldéens, 1970, p. 89-90).  We may take with a grain of salt, Rutten says, the assertion of Iamblichus (c. 250-330 A.D.) that the Babylonians had observed the stars for 72,000 years.

         5.  Did the Babylonians' astronomy grow out of their astrology, or vice versa -- or did they grow up together?  Otto Neugebauer says, comparing astronomy and astrology: "It has often been said that astronomy originated from astrology.  I see no evidence for this theory..... The best description of the true situation might be the statement that we know equally little about the origin of astrology or astronomy and that the relative influence of these two disciplines on one another is largely a matter of conjecture."  (Otto Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, 1957, p. 168.)

         6.  Rutten quotes Strabo, the geographer (c. 60 B.C.-20 A.D.):  "There is in Babylonia a caste or colony of indigenous philosophers called "Chaldeans" who concern themselves chiefly with astronomy.  Some also specialize in casting horoscopes, but they do not have the approval of the others."  (Rutten, ibid., p. 89).  According to Rutten, this proves that alongside the astrologer-diviners there were true astronomers, in the modern sense of the word.  Unfortunately, one can construe Strabo's statement to mean that some of the philosophers frowned on personal astrology concerning individuals, as contrasted with omen astrology, concerning nations or peoples, or natural phenomena.

         7.  Neugebauer saw no evidence that astronomy grew out of astrology, but Édouard Dhorme did.  He says:  "It was inevitable that a close relationship be established between observation of the stars and the calendar, which gives measurements of the celestial vault.  The astrologers were in this way led to study the lives of the gods not only in space, but also in time.  It was necessary for them to take note of the celestial phenomena which gave to each day of the month and of the year its peculiar physiognomy.  The necessity of avoiding errors and giving a mathematical precision to the results obtained quickly caused the synthesis of astrological observations to be transformed into an exact science.  In this way, astronomy detached itself from astrology.  The religious apparatus which surrounded the calculations of the diviners ended by passing into the background.  The divination tables were only empirical findings, but they continued to answer to the need of the human soul to probe into the darkness of the future.  Astrology acquired a new expansive force by separating itself from its indigenous culture.  It is in this way that it penetrated into Asia Minor, in particular among the Hittites, and from there as far as Greece and Rome, where the Chaldeans distinguished themselves as drawers of horoscopes and fortune-tellers."  (Dhorme, ibid., p. 288-289.)

         8.  Despite the fact that the Babylonian astrologer/ astronomers are customarily said to have been priests (Herodotus called them this), some Babylonians may have taken a relatively secular attitude toward the stars.  A. Laurent says:  "In Egypt, most of the books which treated science were considered sacred books, composed and revealed by the gods themselves.  The Chaldeans, and later their disciples the Assyrians, attributed a less elevated origin to their similar books.  For them, they were simply the fruit of the experience of educated men and of generations of patient observers.  In particular, the treatises on divination (astrology, the science of omens, haruspicy, etc.) appear to us, in fact, quite like the work of a number of scholars who, through the centuries, have recorded from day to day the relations which seemed to them to exist between the events of political or private life and different sidereal or terrestrial phenomena.  Neither the Chaldeans nor the Assyrians did anything to obscure the human origins of these treatises."  (A. Laurent, La Magie et la Divination chez les Chaldeo-Assyriens, 1894, p. 58.)

         9.  Observations of the stars have long been connected with determination and maintenance of calendars.  Dhorme, speaking of this relation, attributes to the Babylonians a calendar having a year of 12 months with 30 days each, plus a 5-day intercalary period.  This calendar, however, appears to have originated with the Egyptians.  Plutarch (c. 46-120 A.D.) says:  "They say that the Sun, when he became aware of Rhea's intercourse with Cronus, invoked a curse upon her that she should not give birth to a child in any month or any year; but Hermes, being enamoured of the goddess, consorted with her.  Later, playing at draughts with the moon, he won from her the seventieth part of her illumination, and from all the winnings he composed five days, and intercalated them as an addition to the three hundred and sixty days.  The Egyptians even now call these five days intercalated and celebrate them as the birthdays of the gods."  (Plutarch, "Isis and Osiris", in Plutarch's Moralia, translated by Frank Cole Babbitt, 1936, v. 5, p. 31.)

         10.  Neugebauer says of the Egyptian calendar of 12 30-day months plus 5 intercalated days that "this calendar is, indeed, the only intelligent calendar which ever existed in human history."  (Otto Neugebauer, Exact Sciences in Antiquity, 1957, p. 81.)  He thus goes further than Herodotus (c. 485-425 B.C.), who says that the priests of Egypt with whom he talked "all agreed in saying that the Egyptians by their study of astronomy discovered the solar year and were the first to divide it into twelve parts --and in my opinion their method of calculation is better than the Greek; for the Greeks, to make the seasons work out properly, intercalate a whole month every other year, while the Egyptians make the year consist of twelve months of thirty days each and every year intercalate five additional days, and so complete the regular circle of the seasons."  (Herodotus, The Histories, ii.4, translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt, 1954, p. 130.)  It may be that Dhorme confuses this Egyptian calendar with the Babylonian lunar calendar in which some years have 12 months and others 13 months of 30 days each.  This was at first done irregularly, and later with 7 13-month years every 19 years (Neugebauer, l.c., p. 102.)  Such a 13th month of 30 days can be considered to be an intercalation.  Dhorme, indeed, speaks of intercalating a month of 30 days into a 12 month calendar of 30 days each.

         11.  Did the Sumerians already have astrology in early Mesopotamian culture?  O. R. Gurney says:  "The only clear evidence that the Sumerians already practised astrology comes from the cylinder of Gudea (c. 2143-2124 BC).  In his first dream this ruler saw the goddess Nisaba studying 'a tablet of the star (or stars) of heaven', which was interpreted to mean that she was proclaiming 'the pure star for the building of the temple'.  In what way the star was thought to give such a sign is not explained.  From Mari, of the time of Hammurapi (c. 1780 BC), there is a letter from the barû [professional omen inspector, a priest] Asqudum, which is very revealing.  The diviner reports an eclipse of the moon; he knows that this is a bad omen, but no more, proceeds to check the findings by haruspicy, and declares that after all the outlook is favourable.  Evidently at this time haruspicy was the only reliable form of divination.....  It seems that it was not till much later that astrology rose to prominence as a rival to haruspicy.  That it eventually did so is seen in some 600 reports on ominous events sent in to the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680-669 BC) from scholars posted in widely distributed centres throughout the empire.  The great majority of these are astrological in character and are often in response to an enquiry from the king as to the meaning of an ominous event.  Like the extispicy reports, they quote the relevant omens from the handbook, here complete with the prediction, and a conclusion is drawn regarding the general significance of the omen for the king, but never in relation to a particular matter of policy.  Astrology could not be used, as extispicy was, to answer specific questions.  The officials who write these reports are not barû priests but scholars with various professional designations.  One is called 'scribe of "When Anu and Enlil" '.  A special title which does not occur elsewhere is 'Chief of the team of ten'."

         12.  "Horoscopic astrology, the 12 signs of the zodiac, and the doctrine of the hypsomata were a still later development.  The earliest horoscope (now in Oxford) dates from 410 BC.  Two astrological manuals show drawings of the hypsomata, or positions of greatest astrological influence:  the moon in Taurus, Jupiter in Cancer, Mercury in Virgo.  They date from the Seleucid period (after 300 BC).  The texts attached to these drawings have by now reached the refinement of dividing each sign of the zodiac into twelve 'microzodiacs' of 2 1/2 days each.  This sophisticated astrology, for which the 'Chaldeans' were renowned in the Roman world, was only developed after the fall of Babylon to the Persians in 539 BC."  (O. R. Gurney, in Oracles and Divination, 1981, edited by Michael Loewe and Carmen Blacker, p. 160-162.)

         13.  Samuel Angus makes the claim that astrology made the Greek and Roman methods of inquiry into the future antiquated.  Augury and haruspicy were practically abandoned.   Official oracles, like the one at Delphi, though revived under the empire, had stiff competition, he says, from the Chaldaei and mathematici, as well as from Christian and Gnostic apocalypses.  (Samuel Angus, The Mystery-Religions and Christianity, A Study in the Religious Background of Early Christianity, 1925, p. 167.)

         14.  Prominent Greek scientists such as the astronomer and mathematician Eudoxus (c. 390-340 B.C.) and Theophrastus (c. 372-286 B.C.), student and successor of Aristotle, studied the star-worship and astrological practices of the Babylonians.  According to Proclus (c. 412-485 B.C.) in his commentary on Plato's Timaeus, Theophrastus, in his book On Signs, credited the Chaldeans of his time with a theory with which they could predict "every event, and the life and death of every person." (Pierre Duhem, Le Système du Monde, 1913, v. 2, p. 275.)  Near the end of the 3rd century B.C., professional astrologers from Babylonia set up business among the Greeks.  Michael Grant tells us:  "The first of these practitioners was said to be the Babylonian priest Berossus, translator of The Eye of Bel, who moved to Cos and founded an astrological school on the island (c. 280 [B.C.]).  But it was not until after 200 that the movement reached the proportions of a flood.  This was the time when Bolus of Mendes in Egypt (a country that had learnt its astrology from Mesopotamia) compiled a treatise On Sympathies and Antipathies which explained and justified the fictitious correspondence between heavenly bodies and human beings.  His book became one of the most influential best-sellers of all time.  Another successful work was an astrological textbook, probably written c. 150-120, which went under the probably fictitious Egyptian names of Nechepso and Petosiris."  (Michael Grant, From Alexander to Cleopatra, TheHellenistic World, 1982, p. 214-222).

         15.  These beliefs fit easily into Stoic doctrines, and the Stoics maintained astrological doctrines from early on.  It was, as we said earlier, an understandable outgrowth of dismay at a world which seemed to be rules by chance and fickle fortune.  One of the leaders of the Stoic school, Diogenes 'the Babylonian' from Seleucia on the Tigris (d. 152 B.C.), maintained that the souls of men and women contain a spark of the power that rules the heavens.  Grant says of this Diogenes:  "Building on his forerunner Cleanthes' veneration of the sun and the celestial bodies, [he] became the traitor withing the gates who welcomed astrology for its apparently convincing proof of this 'Sympathy of all Creation'."  Another Stoic, Panaetius of Rhodes (c. 185-109 B.C.) rejected the idea that the sun, moon and stars causally affect the affairs of the world, although he was willing to accept the validity of divination.  But soon afterwards an influential Stoic, Posidonius of Apamea in Syria (c. 135-50 B.C.), welcomed the basic astrological principles as keys to the harmony of the universe. 

         16.  Some believers in such principles allowed a limited scope for free will, but nevertheless considered themselves to be ruled by the unchanging and inescapable heavenly spheres, which predestine all that happens.  Others revolted against a pitiless mechanical inevitability and sought means to circumvent or reduce the oppressiveness of the astral powers.  This required finding out what the powers had in store, and how to arrange one's activities to avoid their most hostile intentions.  For this, experts were needed:  professional astrologer/astronomers.  These became an influential group, who provided numberless believers with a principal interest, consolation and excitement.  They cast horoscopes, in which the future destiny of a person was worked out from the positions of heavenly bodies at the time of his or her birth.  The astrologer/ astronomers not only prophesied future destinies, but also counseled people on how to outwit what had been destined.  They mixed a kind of science with a kind of magic.

         17.  In science, as in religion, a kind of submission seems to be required to some degree to what there is and must be, while with magic a there is customarily intent  to dominate, to manipulate the gods, or the way nature works, or to interfere with fate.  With technology, including applications of science, we often try to manipulate nature.  But with magic, we try to change the will of the gods, or the laws of nature.  Magic rests on the assumption that we are not underlings in ways that science or  religion profess.  Not even the sky is the limit.  Belief in the power of magical manipulations was widespread in Hellenistic times.  There were some who investigated the laws by which the stars move, without trying to alter either the laws or the stars, but a man might be at the same time an astronomer and an astrologer, and maybe a magician, too. 

         18.  The Babylonians were known to the Greeks and Romans not only as astrologers, astronomers and magicians, but as diviners by other methods.  Writing about 161 or 162 A.D., the satirist Lucian tells how Menippus makes a descent into Hades to find out the right way to live.   He finds that the good life is not that of the rich and powerful, nor that of a philosopher, but the ordinary life of one who lives in the present and laughs a lot.  To make his descent into Hades, Menippus says:  "... I resolved to go to Babylon and address myself to one of the Magi, the disciples and successors of Zoroaster, as I had heard that with certain charms and ceremonials they could open the gates of Hades, taking down in safety anyone they would and guiding him back again.....  Well, springing to my feet, I made straight for Babylon as fast as I could go.  On my arrival, I conversed with one of the Chaldeans, a wise man of miraculous skill, with grey hair and a very majestic beard; his name was Mithrobarzanes.  By dint of supplications and entreaties, I secured his reluctant consent to be my guide on the journey at whatever price he would.  So the man took me in charge, and first of all, for twenty-nine days [approximately a lunar month], beginning with the new moon, he took me down to the Euphrates in the early morning toward sunrise, and bathed me; after which he would make a long address which I could not follow very well, for like an incompetent announcer at the games, he spoke rapidly and indistinctly.  It is likely, however, that he was invoking certain spirits."

         19.  "Anyhow, after the incantation he would spit in my face thrice and then go back again without looking at anyone whom he met.  We ate nuts, drank milk, mead, and the water of the Coaspes, and slept out of doors on the grass.  When he considered the preliminary course of dieting satisfactory, taking me to the Tigris river at midnight he purged me, cleansed me, and consecrated me with torches and squills and many other things, murmuring his incantation as he did so.  Then after he had be charmed me from head to foot and walked all about me, that I might not be harmed by phantoms, he took me home again, just as I was, walking backward.  After that, we made ready for the journey.  He himself put on a magician's gown very like the Median dress, and speedily costumed me in these things which you see -- the cap, the lion's skin, and the lyre besides; and he urged me, if anyone should ask my name, not to say Menippus, but Heracles or Odysseus or Orpheus."  (Lucian, Lucian, v. 4, "Menippus", translated by A. M. Harmon, 1925, p. 83-87.)

         20.  The ancient Chinese, on the whole, seem not to have become as secular-minded as the Babylonians about the stars.  Edward Schafer says that for most early Chinese, even for the most advanced authorities, astronomy was indistinguishable from astrology.  As understanding of stellar motions was refined, and more and more aspects of the starry firmament were removed from the realm of conjecture, doubt and fear into the realm of the known and predictable, this identification remained.  Comets, meteors and supernovae remained terrible signals from the powers in space, and it would be wrong to suppose that the inclusion of quite reliable ephemerides in a medieval Chinese almanac means that movements of celestial objects had become accepted as merely physical transits of the sky.  Schafer says:  "There were certainly skeptics, but it appears that most men, even well-educated men, continued to believe that a predictable Jupiter remained an awful Jupiter."  Moreover, the Chinese devoted little energy to making geometrical models of the physical universe which would account for their observations and arithmetical calculations.  "Indeed," says Schafer, "cosmology languished close to the borderlands of mythology, and for many, perhaps most people, the two were identical."  The obliquity of the ecliptic, the precession of the equinoxes, and the true length of the tropical year were discovered quite early, but this didn't put the diviners out of work.  (Edward Schafer, Pacing the Void, T'ang Approaches to the Stars, 1977, p. 9-10.) 

         21.  According to Schafer, a remarkable feature of T'ang astronomy/astrology was the extent of Indian influences on it.  A similar condition prevailed centuries later, Schafer remarks, during the Mongol domination of China, when Islamic science prevailed in the office of the Astronomer Royal at Peking.  Schafer says:  "The extent of western influences on Chinese astronomical and cosmological thought in early antiquity is uncertain.  Speculation on the matter has in the past tended to resemble the lush growth of the hot-house or the tropical forest: jungly tangles of colorful lianes and rattans whose stems are confused and whose roots are doubtful.  A sober hypothesis by a professional Assyriologist of our own century [E. Bezold] seems as fair as any other: native Chinese astronomy/astrology was probably modified by the Babylonian by at least the sixth century B.C."  (Schafer, ibid.) 

         22.  When did astronomy proper begin to develop, as we understand the term?  It depends on what you count as astronomy.  People must have known a fair bit about the repeating movements and appearances of sun, moon, planets and stars long before they were able to leave written records.  Very likely they made use of observations of the skies to predict -- or try to predict -- when the seasons would change, when was a good time to plant or harvest, when floods and other natural catastrophes were liable to occur, where they would land when they set out to sea, and so on.  

        23.  On the antiquity of astronomy, Mircea Eliade says:  "Alexander Marshak [sic] has recently been able to demonstrate the existence, in the Upper Paleolithic, of a symbolic system of temporal notations, based on observations of the moon's phases.  These notations, which the author terms 'time-factored', that is, accumulated over a long period, permit the supposition that certain seasonal or periodic ceremonies were fixed long in advance, as is the case in our day among Siberians and North American Indians.  This systems of notations remained in force for more than 25,000 years, from the early Aurignacians to the late Magdalenian.  According to Marshak, writing, arithmetic, and the calendar properly speaking, which make their appearance in the first civilizations, are probably connected with the symbolism with which the system of notations used during the Paleolithic is impregnated.  Whatever may be thought of Marshak's general theory concerning the development of civilization, the fact remains that the lunar cycle was analyzed, memorized, and used for practical purposes some 15,000 years before the discovery of agriculture.  This makes more comprehensible the considerable role of the moon in archaic mythology, and especially the fact that lunar symbolism was integrated into a single system comprising such different realities as woman, the waters, vegetation, the serpent, fertility, death, "rebirth," etc."  (Mircea Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, 1978, French 1976, v. 1,  p. 22-23; cf. Alexander Marshack, 1972,  The Roots of Civilization: The Cognitive Beginnings of Man's First Art, Symbol, and Notation, p. 81 ff.)  

        24.  No one knows when gods first appeared among men.  Nobody knows when people began to try to find out their wills.  Who knows which ideas about gods were derived from ideas about the sun, moon and stars?  Sextus Empiricus says:  "And Aristotle said that the conception of Gods arose amongst mankind from two originating causes, namely from events which concern the soul and from celestial phenomena.  It arose from events which concern the soul because of the inspired states of the soul which occur in sleep and because of prophecies.  For, says he, when the soul is by itself in sleep, then it takes on its true nature and prophecies and predicts the future.  And it is in this state also when it is being separated from bodies at death.....  Moreover (they derived this conception) from celestial phenomena also; for when they beheld the sun circling around in the day-time, and by night the orderly motion of the other stars, they supposed some God to be the cause of such motion and orderliness."  (Sextus Empiricus, c.  200 A.D., Against the Physicists, i.20-22, also known as Adversus Dogmaticos, iii, and Adversus Mathematicos, ix.; translation  by R. G. Bury, 1936, p. 11, 13).

         25.  Cicero reports that the Stoic Cleanthes (c. 300-220 B.C.) gave four reasons to account for the formation in men's minds of their ideas of gods:  "He put first the argument ... arising from our foreknowledge of future events; second, the one drawn from the magnitude of the benefits we derive from our  temperate climate, from the earth's fertility, and from a vast abundance of other blessings; third, the awe inspired by lightning, storms, rain, snow, hail, floods, pestilences, earthquakes, and occasionally subterranean rumblings, showers of stones and raindrops the colour of blood, also landslips and chasms suddenly opening in the ground, also unnatural monstrosities human and animal, and also the appearance of meteoric lights and what are called by the Greeks 'comets,' and in our language 'long-haired stars,'..... all of which alarming portents have suggested to mankind the idea of the existence of some celestial and divine power.  And the fourth and most potent cause of the belief he said was the uniform motion and revolution of the heavens, and the varied groupings and ordered beauty of the sun, moon and stars, the very sight of which was in itself enough to prove that these things are not the mere effect of chance.  When a man goes into a house, a wrestling-school or a public assembly and observes in all that goes on arrangement, regularity and system, he cannot possibly suppose that these things come about without a cause: he realizes that there is someone who presides and controls.  Far more therefore with the vast movements and phases of the heavenly bodies, and these ordered processes of a multitude of enormous masses of matter, which throughout the countless ages of the infinite past have never in the smallest degree played false, is he compelled to infer that these mighty world-motions are regulated by some Mind."  (Cicero, De natura deorum, translated by H. Rackham, 1933, p. 137-139.)  

         26.  It is, then, small wonder that celestial objects came to be regarded as having power over our affairs.  In omen or portent astrology, attempts are made to use such objects to predict events of importance to a country and its rulers.  Omen astrology seems to have been indigenous to Babylonia, although the Chinese may have developed their own version independently.  Bartel van der Waerden assigns the beginning of omen astrology to before the reign of Hammurabi in Babylonia (about 1800 B.C.), and perhaps much earlier.  (Bartel van der Waerden, Science Awakening II, The Birth of Astronomy, 1974, p. 49.)

         27.  Here's a sample:  "When Scorpio approaches the front of the Moon and stands, the reign of the king will be long; the enemy will come, but his defeat will be accomplished."  (R. Campbell Thompson, The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon in the British Museum, the original texts, printed in cuneiform characters, edited with translations, notes, vocabulary, index and an introduction, 1900, v. 2, p. lxxi.)  Another example:  "The month of Elul, 15th day, eclipse [of the moon]:  the son of the king kills his father and seizes the throne, and the enemy advances and destroys the country.  The 16th day, eclipse of the moon:  the king of a foreign country the same [i.e., is killed by his son], the king of the country of Hâti advances and seizes the throne.  Rains in the sky, abundance of water in the canals."  (A. Laurent, La Magie et la Divination chez les Chaldéo-Assyriens, 1894, p. 60.)  Another:  "If Mars is visible in the month of Tammuz (June-July), the beds of the soldiers will be empty."  That is, there will be a military expedition.  (Marguerite Rutten, La Science des Chaldéens, 1970, p. 95.)

         28.  Although there may have been secular attitudes among Chaldean diviners, we may suppose they were to some degree influenced by the prevailing religion.  In ancient Babylonia, the sun deity Marduk, the greatest of the Babylonian gods and successor to the moon deity of the Sumerians, set the celestial beings to moving and determined their courses.  Marduk articulated time into units, and the regularity of celestial motions became a model for the life of men in society, and a powerful force on the development of their government, work and cities.  The highest duty of the highest officials of Babylon, the priests, was to observe and interpret the movements of the sun, moon and other celestial objects.  (Babylon, in the time of Nebuchadnezzar (died 562 B.C.), was probably the greatest and most well organized city in the world, estimated to support between 250,000 and 300,000 inhabitants.  It was Nebuchadnezzar who is reputed to have built the "tower of Babel", and to have destroyed the Jewish temple in Jerusalem.  In Greece, this was about the time of Anaximander, one of the pre-Socratic philosophers, perhaps the first person to ever make a geometric model of the universe, or at any rate this appears to be the earliest we know about.)

         29.  At the head of the Babylonian and Assyrian panoply of gods is Anu.  "Anu," we are told, "was the son of Anshar and Kishar.  His name signified 'sky' and he reigned over the heavens...  Aided by his companion, the goddess Antu, he presided from above over the fates of the universe and hardly occupied himself with human affairs.  Thus, although he never ceased to be universally venerated, other gods finally supplanted him and took over certain of his prerogatives.  But the great god's prestige remained such that the power of these usurper gods was never firmly established until they, too, assumed the name Anu.....  The entire course of human life was ... regulated by the sovereign will of the gods, whose chief attribute was deciding the fates of men.  We have already seen how highly the gods valued this privilege which fell successively to Anu, Enlil, Ea and Marduk.  Although it was the supreme god who made the final decision, all could discuss it.  At the beginning of every year, while on earth the festival of Zagmuk was being celebrated, the gods assembled in the Upshukina, the Sanctuary of Fates.  The king of the gods in the later Babylonian period, Bêl-Marduk, took his place on the throne.  The other gods knelt with fear and respect before him.  Removing from his bosom the Tablet of Fates, Bêl-Marduk confided it to his son Nabu, who wrote down on it what the gods had decided.  Thus the fate of the country was fixed for the coming year." (Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology, 1959, p. 52-53, 63.)

         30.  If Anu is the chief god, what was the status of his parents Anshar and Kishar?  The Larousse has it that Apsu (sweet water) and Tiamat (salt water) were the fount of all things.  The first offspring of these were Lakhmu and Lakhamu, "rather vague gods" who "seem to be a pair of monstrous serpents.  They gave birth to Anshar, the male principle, and to Kishar, the female principle, who represented respectively, so some think, the celestial and terrestrial worlds.  In the same way the Greek gods were born of the union of Uranus, the sky, and Gaea, the earth.  But while in Greek mythology Gaea played an important role, Kishar does not appear again in the story."  (ibid, p. 49-50.)

         31.  Thorkild Jacobsen tells the same story like this, based on Old Babylonian copies of Sumerian texts from the third millenium B.C.  "An ranked highest among the gods.  His name, borrowed by the Akkadians as Anum, is the Sumerian word for "sky" and inherently An is the numinous power in the sky, the source of rain and the basis for the calendar since it heralds through its changing constellations the times of the year with their different works and celebrations.....  An's spouse was the earth, Ki, on whom he engendered trees, reeds, and all other vegetation .....  There also seems to have been a tradition that saw the power in the sky as both male and female and distinguished the god An (Akkadian Anum) from the goddess An (Akkadian Antum) to whom he

was married.  According to that view the rains flowed from the sky goddess' breasts, or (since she was usually envisaged in cow shape) her udder -- that is from the clouds.....  An had not only engendered vegetation, he was the father and ancestor of all of the gods, and he likewise fathered innumerable demons and evil spirits.  Frequently he was envisaged as a huge bull.....  The view of An as a major source of fertility, the "father who makes the seed sprout," engenderer of vegetation, demons, and all the gods, led naturally to the attribution of paternal authority to him.....  With the developing of social differentiation and the attitudes of growing respect and awe before the ruler, a new sensitivity to the potential in the vast sky for inducing feelings of numinous awe seems to have come into being.  The sky can, at moments when man is in a religiously receptive mood, act as vehicle for a profound experience of numinous awe, as may be instanced in our own culture."

         32.  Jacobsen quotes a passage from William James's The Varieties of Religious Experience:  "I remember the night, and almost the very spot on the hilltop, where my soul opened out, as it were, into the Infinite, and there was a rushing together of the two worlds, the inner and the outer.  It was deep calling unto deep,-- the deep that my own struggle had opened up within being answered by the unfathomable deep without, reaching beyond the stars.  I stood alone with Him who had made me, and all the beauty of the world, and love, and sorrow, and even temptation."

         33.  Jacobsen continues:  "To the ancient Mesopotamians what the sky might reveal was An, its own inner essence of absolute authority and majesty -- might reveal, but would not necessarily reveal, for in everyday moods the sky would be experienced apart from the numinous power in it and would recede into the category of mere things.....  Since human society is not the only structure based on authority and command (the natural world is as well), all things and forces in the polity that is the universe conform to An's will.  He is the power that lifts existence out of chaos and anarchy and makes it an organized whole.  As a building is supported by and reveals in its structure the lines of its foundation, so the ancient Mesopotamian universe was upheld by and reflected An's ordering will.  His command is "the foundation of heaven and earth.".....  As the ultimate source of all authority An was closely associated with the highest authority on earth, that of kingship.  The royal insignia lie before An in heaven for him to bestow, and with them he conveys not only the general powers of kingship but duties linked to his own cosmic functions: responsibility for the calendar and for carrying out his calendric rites.  For example, his new moon festivals ... were celebrated in all temples, and the New Year festival at which the year seems to have been named from one of the king's accomplishments.  Through this mandate, accordingly, the king becomes An's instrument for seeing to it that the times do not get out of joint."  (Thorkild Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness, A History of Mesopotamian Religion, 1976, p. 95-97.)  Thus the source and model of authority and order was the heavens.

         34.  Since the seasons and other important events are to some degree related to movements of the moon, sun and stars, it's reasonable to try to correlate as many events as we can with these movements.  For example, the approximate time for the flooding of the Nile in ancient Egypt was correlated with movements of the sun and stars.  Certain kinds of weather are correlated with the appearances of constellations, including not only their positions but also atmospheric effects.  Martin Nilsson says that the most widely read of all Hellenistic poems was the Phainomena of Aratus, which was a book containing rules for predicting the weather in this way. (Martin Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 1950, v. 2, p. 56.)

         35.  The process goes on today.  Here is an excerpt, entitled "Weather Prognosticator, from the Hagers-town Town and Country Almanack for the year of our Lord 1989, p. 9:  "This table and the accompanying remarks are the result of many years' actual observation; the whole being constructed on a due consideration of the Sun and Moon, in their several positions respecting the earth; and will, by simple inspection, show the observer what kind of weather will most probably follow the entrance of the Moon into any of her quarters, and that so near the truth as to be seldom or never found to fail."

         36.  Beliefs that our father is in heaven, and that it is on earth as it is in the heavens, are widespread.  Claude Lévi-Strauss argues that among Indians of central Brazil, certain myths which on the surface may seem to have no connection with astronomy, are in fact concerned with the alternation of seasons, and therefore a kind of year.  In particular, he considers the story of Asare, told among the Sherente people, concerning the rape of a mother by her own sons (the youngest of whom is Asare), thrashing of the sons by their father, the sons setting fire to their parents who escape by turning into falcons, a journey by the sons which includes the digging of a well which gushes so much water that it forms the sea, and three or so escapes from an alligator with the help of woodpeckers, partridges, fruit rinds and a skunk.  The myth concludes:  "When the sea was formed, Asare's brothers had at once tried to bathe.  Even today, toward the close of the rainy season, one hears in the west the sound of their splashing in the water.  Then they appear in the heavens, new and clean, as Sururu, the Seven Stars (the Pleiades)."  (Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Raw and the Cooked, 1969, translation by P. and D. Weightman of Le cru et le cuit, 1964, p. 199-200, v. 1 of Mythologiques (Introduction to a Science of Mythology)).  Lévi-Strauss quotes J. F. Oliveira to the effect that among the Sherente, the year begins with the appearance of the Pleiades, which coincides roughly with the beginning of the dry season. (p. 217.).

         37.  According to Lévi-Strauss:  "Classical antiquity associated Orion with rain and storms.  Now we have seen that in central Brazil, Orion is also associated with water -- but terrestrial, not celestial water.  In Greek and Roman mythology Orion caused rain to fall.  As Asare, the thirsty hero, Orion makes water rise up from the depths of the earth.  It is easy to understand, since it is an obvious cosmographical fact, that the same constellation that casues rain to fall in the northern hemisphere should be a harbinger of drought in the southern hemisphere: in the inland areas between the equator and the Tropic of Capricorn, the rainy season corresponds approximately to our autumn and winter, the dry season to our spring and summer.  The Asare myth faithfully presents the "southern" version of this factual truth, since the Pleiades and Orion which follows closely in their wake, are said to herald the beginning of the dry season." (p. 226-227).

         38.  There is a problem here, since in "in one hemisphere Orion is associated with celestial water in accordance with meteorological experience, while in the other hemisphere, without there being any possibility of establishing a connection with experience, symmetry is preserved by means of an apparently incomprehensible link between Orion and water which is chthonic in origin -- that is, celestial water conceived of, as it were, upside down." (p. 227)  Lévi-Strauss traces this opposition by way of a transformation of a key myth of the Bororo people.  He says:  "It is therefore clear that the two myths, the one belonging to the Ancient World [of European classical antiquity] and the other to the New [Bororo of central Brazil], are, as I postulated, reflections of each other.  The apparent inversions arise simply from the fact that while both are concerned with the dry season, one myth refers to the beginning (after the rains) and the other to the end (before the rains)." (ibid., p. 239).

         39.  The point is that myths which superficially are about incest, rape, arduous and dangerous journeys, people turning into birds or other creatures, and the like, may turn out to be descriptions of astronomical and associated seasonal phenomena.  However, in the view of Lévi-Strauss:  "In granting that myths have an astronomical significance, I do not propose to revert in any way to the mistaken ideas characteristic of the solar mythography of the nineteenth century.  In my view, the astronomical context does not provide any absolute point of reference; we cannot claim to have interpreted the myths simply by relating them to this context.  The truth of the myth does not lie in any special content.  It consists in logical relations which are devoid of content or, more precisely, whose invariant properties exhaust their operative value, since comparable relations can be established among the elements of a large number of different contents."

         40.  "For instance, I have shown that one particular theme, such as the origin of man's mortality, occurs in myths that appear quite different from each other in subject matter, but that in the last analysis these differences can be reduced to a variety of codes, evolved on the basis of the different sense categories -- taste, hearing, smell, feel, and sight .....  In the preceding pages, I have been solely concerned [in interpeting the myths astronomically] to establish the existence of a different code, also a visual one, but whose lexical material consists of contrasted pairs drawn from a stable periodicity of the year and, on the other, of the synchronic arrangement of the stars in the sky.  This cosmographic code is no truer than any other; and it is no better, except from the methodological point of view, as far as its operations can be checked from without.  But it is not impossible that advances in biochemistry may one day provide objective references of the same degree of accuracy as a check on the precision and coherence of the codes formulated in the language of the senses.  Myths are constructed on the basis of a certain logicality of tangible qualities which makes no clear-cut distinction between subjective states and the properties of the cosmos." (p. 240.)  Thus different "codes" are different realizations of structures of human physiology, and Lévi-Strauss weights the different codes equally.

         41.  We can wonder, however, whether or not an astronomical code has a kind of priority.  According to many cosmologies, the stars and their ways precede the living and their  ways.  To what extent have we developed in consonance with celestial objects and movements?  To what extent are our physiology and thoughts tied to the stars?  As described by Lévi-Strauss, among Indians of Brazil, fire for cooking food is related to the sun:  "The mediatory function of cooking fire therefore operates between the sun and humanity in two ways.  By its presence, cooking fire averts total disjunction, since it unites the sun and the earth and saves man from the world of rottenness in which he would find himself if the sun really disappeared; but its presence is also interposed; that is to say, it obviates the risk of a total conjunction, which would would result in a burned world (p. 293.)  Incest and cannibalism in the myths are linked with eclipses, and the origin of diseases. (p. 297.)

         42.  "Starting from the problem of the mythic origin of cooking," says Lévi-Strauss, "I have been led to verify my interpretation of domestic fire as a mediatory agent between sky and earth by reference to the myth describing incest between blood relatives as the origin of the eclipse......  A myth about the origin of storms and rain [the one Lévi-Strauss started with] led me to myths about the origin of fire and the cooking of foodstuffs...  I was able to establish that all these myths belong to one and the same set ....." (p. 298, 300.)  Which explains which?  Do analogous actions of sun, moon and other stars explain or describe the origin of cooking fires?  Or does the analogy of the origin of cooking fires explain or describe actions of the sun, moon and stars?  Are these interchangeable?  If not, which takes precedence?  Recall Seneca on the Etruscans:  "Since they attribute everything to divine agency, they are of the opinion that things do not reveal the future because they have occurred, but that they occur because they are meant to reveal the future."                                       

         43.  Besides some roughly correct season and even (at times) weather forecasting, there were no doubt successes in predicting such events as attacks by enemies, since, for example, rulers probably tended to attack after harvests, when their troops were well-supplied with food, and harvests are correlated with the seasons.  However, prediction by consulting objects in the sky of such things as who would be victorious in a war was likely to have been more chancy, unless, of course, the objects were arrows and spears.  Isaiah, it seems, spoke sarcastically when he said             

                 "Come down and sit in the dust, 
                 O virgin daughter of Babylon.....

                 You are wearied with your many counsels;
                 let them stand forth and save you,
                 those who divide the heavens,
                 who gaze at the stars,
                 who at the new moons predict
                 what shall befall you.....
 
                 they cannot deliver themselves
                 from the power of the flame."

        (Chapter 47, The Bible, Revised Standard Version)

                       

         44.  The mathematical astronomy of the Babylonians underwent a considerable development between about 539 B.C. and 331 B.C., during the reign of the Persians in Babylonia.  It is during this period, perhaps about 450 B.C., that personal astrology, the casting of horoscopes according to birth dates, developed.  There is an old tradition that horoscopy was introduced to the Greeks by Berossos, a Babylonian priest who founded the first Greek school of astrology on the island of Kos about 300 B.C.  However, it appears that we have Greek horoscopes from about 150 years earlier.  On the task of personal astrology, Auguste Bouché-Leclercq, says: "The calculation of the length of life, with an indication of the kind of death pre-assigned by the stars, is the great work of astrology, the operation judged the most difficult by its adepts, the most dangerous and damnable by its enemies."  (Auguste Bouché-Leclerq, L'Astrologie grecque,  1899, p. 404.)                 

         45.  Van der Waerden summarizes the development of astrology in this part of the world in the 6th century B.C. as follows:  "We  have seen that,  after  the fall  of the Assyrian empire (- 611) the old polytheism was being pushed aside by a new religious movement which flooded in two mighty waves from Iran to the West.  The first wave was that of Zervanism,  which reached Greece about - 550.  The second was the worship of Ahura Mazda, which was proclaimed around - 500 B.C. as the official religion of the Persian empire.  Connected with this was the doctrine of the celestial origin and immortality of the soul.  We have also seen that the old Omen astrology was replaced, about the same time or somewhat later, by a new zodiacal astrology, within which we have to distinguish two further stages:  primitive zodiacal astrology and horoscopy.  The first is connected in the sources with Orphism, which in its turn is most closely tied up with Zervanism.  On the other hand, horoscopy is closely connected with the doctrine of the celestial origin of the soul; its existence can be demonstrated in Babylon about - 450 and in Greece about - 440." (ibid., p. 183.)  The name of the god Zervan Akarana means "boundless time."   The Zervanists, whose sect appears to have been formed about the 4th century B.C., were astral fatalists who believed that "all fortune, good and ill, that befalls man, comes from the twelve [zodiacal signs] and the seven [planets]".  This quotation is given by van der Waerden (p. 162) from a Persian book called Mainog-i Khirad or Menok i Khrat, written sometime between 220 and 650 A.D.

         46.  By about 300 B.C., the Babylonians had constructed tables, based on centuries of observations, with which they could successfully predict lunar eclipses, and with which they could at times rule out solar eclipses.  A basic underlying problem they were trying to solve is a form of one which haunts mathematical astronomy to this day.  From one point of view, this is the problem of predicting the day on which a new moon will occur.  The days are determined by the movement of Earth with respect to the sun (or vice versa), while new moons are determined by the movement of the moon with respect to Earth.  Thus the combined motions of sun, moon, and Earth are involved.  The problem of predicting the movements of the sun, moon and Earth with respect to one another, starting from Newton's laws of mechanics and gravitation, is known today as the 3-body problem.  In some important respects, the 3-body problem is still unsolved, although a great deal is known about some basic special cases, and there are elaborate techniques for approximating solutions.  The Babylonian methods were a kind of approximation technique, based on  interpolation, inserting calculated values between observed values in systematic ways.  As far as seems to be known at present, the first attempts to use geometry to model the movements of celestial objects and relations between them were made by the ancient Greeks in the 6th century B.C.   The Babylonians seem not to have made geometrical models for this purpose, or at least none have been found.

         47.  We have fragments of a geometric cosmology put forward by the philosopher Anaximander in the 6th century B.C.  Anaximander may have been the first to undertake a project of this kind.  He appears to have pictured the sky as a complete sphere rather than an inverted bowl or hemisphere.  Spheres were to become the basis of geometric cosmology for many centuries.  However, for some unknown reason, if we can trust the fragment we have from so long ago, Anaximander seems to have proposed that the earth is a right circular cylinder with the greatest curvature in the north-south direction. Aside:  "It was Henry Ibsen who said that the value of a truth lasted about fifteen years, then it rotted into error." (James Huneker, Old Fogy, 1913, quoted in A New Dictionary of Quotations, 1942, edited by H. L. Mencken, p. 1226.)      

         48.  The arithmetical predictions of the Babylonians and the  geometric construction of the heavens by the classical Greek philosophers contrast in a startling way with other cosmologies of that era in the Near East, and with other ancient Greek cosmologies, in which the heavens are peopled with gods who often act unpredictably and capriciously.  Geometric cosmologies were developed extensively by astronomers and philosophers of nature during the next several centuries after the time of Anaximander.  Plato and Aristotle, in the 4th century B.C., made use of the work of these pre-Socratic thinkers in developing their own cosmologies.  We find in the works of Plato and Aristotle the first extended and detailed reports, which we still have today, of cosmologies based on geometry, as developed by Eudoxus of Cnidus and other mathematical astronomers of the time.  They had enormous influence on the development of Western cosmologies from the time they were composed.  The special kind of certainty which geometric models seem to reveal about the movements of the heavens, blended with an older personification and deification of heavenly objects, were, it appears, instrumental in the development of astrology.

         49.  Geometric models in astronomy developed hand in hand with geometry itself.  Eudoxus of Cnidus (4th century B.C.) is said to have been a student of Plato.  He was one of the great astronomers, and also one of the great geometers, of his time.  Besides being the source of the mathematical astronomy of Aristotle, he was, as we mentioned earlier, a possible supporter of astrology.  In astronomy, he developed an elaborate cosmology based on spheres moving on spheres.  In geometry, he developed a theoretical and logically satisfying theory of magnitudes corresponding to our real numbers.  This theory, which has been preserved in Euclid's geometry book, the Elements (c. 300 B.C.) is much like one developed by the German mathematician Richard Dedekind about the middle of the 19th century (as Dedekind himself stated).  This system is in use today.  Eudoxus seems also to have invented the method of exhaustion for finding areas and volumes, a method which is much like an application of the definite integrals of calculus we use today for this purpose, although not formulated as generally.  With this method, he found an equivalent of our formulas for the area of a circle, and the volumes of a right circular cylinder, sphere and cone.

        50.  The Elements of Euclid was (or were) the principal introduction to geometry for over 2000 years, and the geometry it contained has had, and continues to have, many terrestrial as well as celestial applications.  More than that, the Elements has served as a model of a kind of attainment of certainty -–given the initial assumptions, the axioms and postulates -- which people have often tried to extend to other domains besides geometry.  Euclid's method, commonly known today as the axiomatic  method, was described, in one form, by Aristotle in his works on logic, especially in the Posterior Analytics.  It appears that Eudoxus originated the self-conscious and explicit use of this method, and so was one of the founders of a philosophical tradition of thinking about thinking, and reasoning about reasoning.  The science of deductive logic founded by  Plato, and even more Aristotle, was based in important respects on  extrapolation from this method of the mathematicians.

        51.  It is curious, and rather sobering, to notice that versions of Euclid's Elements quite faithful to the original, or at least to parts of it, were used in elementary instruction for over 2000 years, but that this practice has been discontinued in the course of the past two centuries.  The change began after the French Revolution of 1789, and was part of a general rejection of learning of the past.  Some distance into the 20th century, textbooks in the United States still bore considerable resemblance to Euclid's Elements, despite the alleged reforms of the previous century, but today this is no longer so.  It appears that Euclid's Elements, in forms faithful to the originals, have gone the way of Newton's Principia in forms faithful to the originals.   They are structures of the past, antiques, no longer functional except indirectly, by way of their influences.  And yet, it's not a bad idea, at any rate in the case of Euclid, than to study a translation of Euclid into a modern language as part of one’s mathematical education, especially if one is training to be a mathematician or natural scientist.  

     52. There are modern versions of Euclid's Elements in which certain logical deficiencies of Euclid's _Elements have been removed.  A central one has been the Grundlagen der Geometrie (Foundations of Geometry) of David Hilbert (1st edition, 1899; last edition during Hilbert's lifetime, 1930; there have been two translations into English).  However, the spirit of Euclid maintained by Hilbert has given way to a large extent to the use of numerical coordinates, based on the analytic (or algebraic) geometry associated with the name of Descartes.  We no longer make children associate how they see with how they reason in the direct way Euclid did, but rather with how they count, and this is usually presented in books in colorful language and with colorful pictures.  Stephen Leacock may have had an explanation for the way elementary geometry books in schools look today, when he said: "To make education attractive!  There it is!  To call in the help of poetry, of music, of grand opera, if need be, to aid in the teaching of the dry subjects of the college class room..... Here, for example, you have Euclid writing in a perfectly prosaic way all in small type such an item as the following:  "A perpendicular is let fall on a line BC so as to bisect it at the point C, etc., etc.," just as if it were the most ordinary occurrence in the world.  Every newspaper man will see at once that it ought to be set up thus:

                      "AWFUL CATASTROPHE 
            PERPENDICULAR FALLS HEADLONG 
                           ON A GIVEN POINT 
          The Line at C said to be completely bisected 
             President of the Line makes Statement 
                                etc., etc., etc." 

      (Stephen Leacock, "Education Made Agreeable", from Moonbeams from  the Larger Lunacy_ 1915, p. 155, 159.)  The best translation into English of Euclid's Elements is by Thomas Heath (1925, reprinted by Dover, 1956 and later).  Heath provides copious notes to guide one in studying the work.)

        53.  To apply the axiomatic method found in Euclid's geometry, one starts from basic statements usually called axioms or postulates (although hypotheses or assumptions would amount to about the same), taken as true for purposes of reasoning (though in some applications, they may not be true, or true enough), and using some rules of logic, derives chains of statements linking the axioms to other statements, called theorems, which are then also taken to be true, and then may be regarded, if one chooses, as axioms themselves.  These chains of statements make up proofs of the theorems.  Sometimes the term propositions is used instead of theorems, but often propositions are taken to be statements to be proved, if possible, rather than statements already proved.  Thus a proposition may turn out to be true or false or undecided or even undecidable in a certain sense, depending on whether or not a proof or counterexample or neither has been found, and on whether or not a proof or counterexample can be found within the given axiomatic system.  Since axioms are not proved, but taken as a basis for application of the method, problems arise of deciding on the validity of the axioms and their theorems when making applications.  If the axioms or theorems are meant to be applied to the movements of physical objects, on Earth or in the heavens, one way to test their validity is by using them to make predictions about the places and shapes of physical objects, and seeing whether or not the predictions come true, at least to within some margin of error taken to be allowable.  From this point of view, geometry is an empirical science, perhaps the earliest such science.  However, some philosophers have held that the axioms of geometry are statements about the way people, or their minds or brains, are constituted, and especially about the way we are constrained to see the world with our eyes.  It is from this, one may maintain, that many of the axioms of geometry get the peculiar certainty they have. 

         54.  From another point of view, the Elements of Euclid is a treatise on the five regular solids:  the tetrahedron, cube, octahedron, dodecahedron and icosahedron.  The last "book" or chapter of the Elements treats these solids, and a good deal of what went before in the Elements is used in this last chapter.  The regular solids are solids in which all of the faces of any one of them are congruent plane figures with equal sides and angles.  The 4 faces of the tetrahedron, the 8 faces of the octahedron and the 20 faces of the icosahedron are equilateral triangles, the 6 faces of a cube are squares, and the 12 faces of a dodecahedron are regular pentagons.  In the _Elements_, Euclid shows how to construct these solids, establishing along the way theorems which have many other applications.  He also shows that these five are the only regular solids which can be theoretically constructed in a way consistent with his axioms and postulates.  These regular solids were discovered before the time of Euclid, and even before the time of Plato.  Plato used them as an important component of his cosmology in his dialogue Timaeus.  Kepler used them in a vital way later, near the end of the 16th century A.D., in his cosmology of our solar system.

         55. Another famous astronomer and geometer of ancient Greece was Apollonius, who worked in the early part of the 3rd century B.C.  Apollonius had a major influence on the development of astronomy by virtue of his mathematical model of the solar system based on eccentric and epicyclic motions.  An eccentric  motion is one which takes place with a constant speed on a circle, but is referred to a point inside the circle other than the center of the circle.  An epicyclic motion is one which takes place on a circle rotating at a constant speed about its center, with this center on another circle also rotating at a constant speed.  Among other things, Apollonius seems to have shown that any eccentric motion can be interpreted as an epicyclic motion, and conversely.  The major mathematical work of Apollonius concerned the mathematical figures known as conic sections, which had been discovered by earlier mathematicians.  The conic sections are cut out when a plane is passed through a complete right circular cone.  Aside from certain special cases, known as degenerate conics, the conic sections comprise the ellipses (including the circles), the parabolas, and the hyperbolas.  One of the songs of Gilbert and Sullivan is about the practicality of conic sections:

            "I am the very model of a modern Major-General;.....             

            I'm very well acquainted, too, with matters mathematical,
            I understand equations, both the simple and quadratical,
            About the binomial theorem, I'm teeming with a lot of news,
            With many cheerful facts about the square of the hypotenuse.....

            I quote, in Elegiacs, all the crimes of Heliogabalus!
            In conics I can floor peculiarities parabolous."
 
(W. S. Gilbert and Arthur Sullivan, The Pirates of Penzance, 1880, Act 1.) 
         
An easy way to generate ellipses is to shine a flashlight on a flat surface like a desk or table, and tilt the flashlight back and forth.  The cone in this case is the light generated by the flashlight, and the plane being passed through the cone is the desk top.  The lighted spot is then in the form of an ellipse (to a good approximation), though sometimes just the boundary of the lighted spot is called an ellipse.   You can also generate the beginnings of an hyperbola by holding a flashlight lengthways on a wall. 

To see one way conic sections could have been used by the ancient Greeks, consider a person looking with one eye at the sun (but only very briefly).  A cone can be formed with its apex at the person's eye, using as generators  rays from the eye to points on the circumference of a circular disk representing the sun.  An imaginary plane through this part of the cone, which meets all thexd generators of the cone, but doesn't go through the eye, will have an ellipse in common with the cone.  Here one should take ellipse to mean a curve, like the boundary of the flashlight spot.  If one takes the generators to be rays from an eye to all the points on the circumference and inside of a circular disk reprenting the sun, then one would get an ellipse  in the sense of a flat region, like the entire flashlight spot.  If the plane is imagined to contain the center of the moon, we have the beginning of a mathematical model for representing a lunar eclipse.  It is likely that a primary motive and use for study of conic sections by the ancient Greeks was to provide models for such astronomical phenomena as eclipses.  

        56.  Kepler, in developing his cosmology of the solar system in the late 1500's and early 1600's, used the mathematics of conic sections as developed by Apollonius in deriving his three planetary laws, which became part of the basis for Newton's law of gravity and its application to our solar system.  Newton, in the latter 1600's, showed that if two bodies in the universe are sufficiently isolated from other bodies, then the paths they will follow because of the gravitational attraction between them will be conic sections.  The simplest case is when one body is much smaller than the other, e.g. a comet moving around the sun.  The theory of Newton predicts that if we ignore the influence of the moon, other planets, etc., and regard the sun as fixed, then the orbit of the earth around the sun is an ellipse with the sun at one focus.  This had already been projected and verified by Kepler for Mars and the sun, as the simplest curve consistent with the observations of Tycho Brahe and Kepler's own planetary laws.  Thus an essential part of our modern view of the solar system rests, by way of Kepler, on the regular solids, discovered some 2400 or 2500 years ago by members of a tradition of mathematics founded by the classical Greeks, and on the geometry subsequently developed or formulated by such mathematicians and astronomers as Eudoxus, Euclid, and Apollonius.

         57. Kepler's contemporary Galileo, also very influential on Newton, made much of the mathematics of Archimedes, one of the other great mathematicians of antiquity, who worked somewhat later than Apollonius in the 3rd century B.C.  Galileo often referred to Archimedes using such phrases as "the divine Archimedes" or the "superhuman Archimedes" (in Italisn).  Archimedes extended the work of Eudoxus on volumes of spheres, right circular cylinders and right circular cones, and found a very accurate approximation to the number which is the ratio of the circumference of a circle to its diameter, the number we call π.  He also described a method of expressing larger and larger whole numbers, formulated and proved laws of equilibrium for levers and floating bodies, and a method of finding the area of a parabolic segment.  He seems to have been the first to introduce mathematical methods into the study of forces in the universe, although there is a precedent in Aristotle's works.

         58.  In astronomy, Archimedes attempted to calculate the volume of the universe.  He used two proposals for the radius of the universe.  One which was conventionally accepted in the time of Archimedes was that the radius of the universe is the radius of our solar system.  The other was based on the proposal by Aristarchus, an astronomer roughly contemporaneous with Archimedes, some 1800 years before Copernicus, that the sun is the center about which the earth revolves , and that the radius of Earth's orbit is negligible compared with the radius of the spherical surface on which the fixed stars lie.  In this spirit, Archimedes assumed that the ratio of the radius of our solar system is to the radius of the universe as the ratio of the radius of Earth's orbit is to the radius of our solar system.  Archimedes calculated that with this assumption, the universe would have room for no more than 1063 grains of sand, whereas with the conventional radius it would have room for no more than 1053 grains of sand (Otto Neugebauer, A History of Ancient Astronomy, 1975, Part Two, p. 646).

         59.  Another great Greek astronomer was Hipparchus, who lived in the 2nd century B.C.  Building on the earlier work of Eudoxus and other astronomers, he developed an elaborate cosmology using spheres moving on spheres, but the system of Hipparchus was simpler and at the same time more comprehensive than the one which had grown out of the work of Eudoxus.  Hipparchus also accumulated quite accurate observations of the relative positions and motions of the main celestial objects visible without magnification.  By virtue of some tables of ratios which he used in his work, he is often regarded as the originator of trigonometry.  He also extended the work of Aristarchus on calculating the distances of our moon and sun from Earth.

         60.  Even before the decline of Greek political power in the 3rd century B.C., a school of Greek astronomers had arisen in Alexandria, Egypt, in the midst of a culture much older than that of the Greeks.  It was in Alexandria, about 140 A.D., that Ptolemy wrote his Megale mathematike syntaxis or "Great mathematical treatise", later known as the Almagest, from an Arabic form of a Greek word meaning "the greatest".  This work was a synthesis and extension of the whole astronomical tradition which had been initiated by the Greeks some 750 years before, and the Babylonians even earlier than that.  To feel how long 750 years is, we have 2000 - 750 = 1250, so working backward about 750 years from our own time, we come to the year 1250, some 300 years before the time of Copernicus, who may be regarded in part as a continuer of the Greek astronomy, and in part as the introducer of a revolutionary new view in astronomy.  In the year 1250, European scholars were still trying to come to terms with the Greek geometry and cosmologies with which they had lost contact for a long period (perhaps itself about 750 years), during which European scholarship in matters we now consider to be subjects of the sciences had slowed down for various economic, religious and other reasons.

         61.  In Ptolemy's treatise on the heavens, Earth is taken as the center of the physical universe.  Ptolemy offers a number of arguments based on the physics of his time that this is so.  For example, Ptolemy says: "... the revolving motion of the earth must be the most violent of all motions associated with it, seeing that it makes one revolution in such a short time [a day]; the results would be that all objects not actually standing on the earth would appear to have the same motion, opposite to that of the earth; neither clouds nor or other flying or thrown objects would ever be seen moving toward the east, since the earth's motion toward the east would always outrun and overtake them, so that all other objects would seem to move in the direction of the west and the rear.  But if they said that the air is carried around in the same direction and with the same speed as the earth, the compound objects in the air would none the less always seem to be left behind by the motion of both [earth and air]; or if those objects too were carried around, fused, as it were, to the air, then they would never appear to have any motion either in advance or rearwards: they would always appear still, neither wandering or changing position, whether they were flying or thrown objects.  Yet we quite plainly see that they do undergo all these kinds of motion, in such a way that they are not even slowed down or speeded up at all by any motion of the earth."  (_Ptolemy's Almagest, translated and annotated by G. J. Toomer, 1984, p.45.)  This argument by Ptolemy comes after a number of arguments in favor of a spherical movement of the heavens, as the only motion consistent with the phenomena, i.e. observations.  He argues also that the earth is spherical, and in the middle of the heavens.  These arguments are largely based on geometric relations which are consistent with what is observed.  Ptolemy's theories were usually based on as accurate observations as were then available. 

         62.  According to Ptolemy, the moon, sun and then-known planets are observed to revolve about Earth in the order Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn.  The stars are taken to be at a great distance from Earth -- even at an "infinite distance" from Earth, whatever that might be taken to mean.  Still, Ptolemy held that they revolved around Earth every day.  They certainly appear  to do this.  Most of Ptolemy's treatise, about 600 of the approximately 650 pages in the translation by Toomer, is dedicated to elaborate mathematical procedures, calculations and tables which made it possible to predict, at any time, the future positions of the sun, moon and planets relative to Earth and the stars.  On the whole, the accuracy was within the limits imposed by using measurements made with human eyes alone.